The Dark wrote:Rogue 9 wrote:Indeed. Something I meant to work into the essay but couldn't find a good way to flow into was the majority sentiment in the South. The prevailing feeling was that without slavery there couldn't be freedom in equality for poor whites; they needed the slaves as an underclass and often lambasted the free states for degrading their white labor classes by having drudge work performed by wage-earning whites. I can provide sources for this as well, but right now I'm in something of a rush; expect a follow-up later tonight or tomorrow.
This depended on region, though. The smallfarming regions of northwestern Virginia, western North Carolina, northeastern Georgia, and northern Alabama were considered heavily pro-Union by the Confederacy. The first of those regions seceded from Virginia and became West Virginia; the other areas were known within the Confederacy for being hotbeds of desertion and bushwhacking (reference: Katcher, Philip:
The Army of Robert E. Lee, pgs. 87-88). Since the people in these areas were
not plantation owners, did not aspire to
be plantation owners, and were generally in economic competition
with plantation owners, they opposed the secession movement very nearly to a person.
You forgot eastern Tennessee, which very nearly did counter-secede in the same manner as West Virginia; the Confederate army was simply faster to occupy it early in the war.
At any rate, I'm far overdue in backing up my assertion here, so I'll just do that. An 1856 editorial of the Richmond Enquirer made
this assertion:
In this country alone does perfect equality of civil and social privilege exist among the white population, and it exists solely because we have black slaves. Freedom is not possible without slavery.
Why would they think this? Well, for the very reason I asserted in my last post; the underclass would either consist of black slaves or white laborers, and on the whole they much preferred that it not be the master race doing the drudge work. Senator Hammond's (remember him?) famous
King Cotton speech said it in so many words:
[T]he man who lives by daily labor, and scarcely lives at that, and who has to put out his labor in the market, and take the best he can get for it; in short, your whole hireling class of manual laborers and "operatives," as you call them, are essentially slaves. The difference between us is, that our slaves are hired for life and well compensated; there is no starvation, no begging, no want of employment among our people, and not too much employment either. Yours are hired by the day, not care for, and scantily compensated, which may be proved in the most painful manner, at any hour in any street of your large towns.
This idea finds its basis in Thomas Jefferson's assertion than a wage-laborer, not being independent, is unable to effectively function in governing a republic, since he is dependent upon his employer and therefore easily suborned. That is why ownership of real property was a voting requirement in the early United States; Jefferson and his party believed that only those who owned their own means of production, that is an independent farmer, artisan, business owner, planter, and so forth, were sufficiently independent to effectively use the vote.
This idea, while abhorrent today, at least did not include a mandate to exclude blacks or artificially make all whites non-wage workers as formulated by Jefferson. Jefferson feared that the growing working class would subvert the republic,
saying: Let our workshops remain in Europe. The mobs of the great cities add just so much to the support of pure government as sores do to the human body. ... I consider the class of artificers [workmen] as the panders of vice, and the instruments by which the liberties of a country are generally overturned.
The rise of European immigration from the 1820s on made this an untenable position, and the vote was expanded to include wage-earning white males in the North. This triggered the Southern reaction that I've cited here, as the new Northern voting blocs proceeded to vote in ways not favorable to Southern interests, particularly slave and territorial interests. Working conditions of industrial laborers in the 19th century were of course deplorable, and Southern agriculturalists were horrified to think that this would be their fate if not for the slave underclass taking that role for them. To go back to
Calhoun for a moment:
With us the two great divisions of society are not the rich and the poor, but white and black; and all the former, the poor as well as the rich, belong to the upper class, and are respected and treated as equals, if honest and industrious; and hence have a position and pride of character of which neither poverty nor misfortune can deprive them.
That should be sufficient, I think. If anyone wishes more, I can readily go on. In the meantime, I recommend
this essay, which I stumbled upon just now looking for a place to copy the Calhoun quote from; it's quite good (despite being from the Claremont Institute).