A serious "Byzantium survives" AH timeline.

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The Duchess of Zeon
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A serious "Byzantium survives" AH timeline.

Post by The Duchess of Zeon »

The purpose of this timeline was to investigate the "last possible point from which the Byzantine Empire could survive", and see if the thesis of a Byzanto-Hungarian union made this practicable. I'd like some advice on it--it's almost five years old and needs heavy editing, some names, and so on, as well as critique and commentary.



1162: Stephen III Arpad of Hungary is crowned King.

1163: Engagement of Bela Arpad and Maria Komnene.

1169 - POD. The Issue of Manuel I Komnenos and Maria de Poitiers is female rather than male. The engagement of Bela Arpad and Maria Komnene is maintained.

1170 - Marriage of Bela Arpad and Maria Komnene.

1172 - Bela III Arpad is crowned King of Hungary after the death of his brother, Stephen III.

1180 - Manuel I Komnenos dies; Bela III succeeds to the throne of the Byzantine Avtokrator.

1182-3 - Campaign against the Serbs forces them to re-acknowledge their previous state of vassalage to Byzantium. Bela's territories are administratively divided: Hungary, Croatia, and Dalmatia; Byzantium and (acknowledging vassalage to Bela as Byzantine Emperor) Serbia.

1185 - Ballet dance of balancing catholic and orthodox interests has led to the flight of some orthodox nobles to - ironically - seek shelter in Norman Sicily in avoidance of Bela's retribution. They provide a flimsy excuse for the Normans to invade Byzantium. Dyrrakhion is the first city besieged; it falls before an army can meet the invasion, but the Normans are defeated on the advance to Thessalonika. Bela III deals with the Norman fleet by reluctantly restoring the capitulations to Venice in exchange for naval aide.

1186 - Dyrrakhion retaken.

1186-9 - Campaigns in the Balkans to suppress Bulgarian rebels, Vlach chieftans, and Cumans refusing to accept the government's central authority.

1188-90 - The Third Crusade begins. After extensive negotiations Bela III consents to the advance of Frederick Barbarossa's army through his territory. Perhaps the first decently treated Crusader army advancing through the Balkans, Frederick is still distrustful of the "Grecian Emperor" - Also King of Hungary.

Bela himself, contented that the balkans are largely quiet, intends to advance into Anatolia, and attempts to drum up support in Hungary with offers of land for military service in the Byzantine Army. Many younger sons of the Hungarian nobility boost the ranks, which had been further devastated in 1176 by Manuel's defeat at the hands of the Sultan of Rum, while other Hungarian nobles go outright on crusade and bring with them retainers. Altogether nearly 60,000 men are mustered between the troops of Byzantium, the knights and footsoldiers of Hungary, and the crusaders of the Holy Roman Empire.

The two Emperors meet at Gallipoli for the first time, and lead their combined force across the Dardanelles and into Anatolia. Coordination is hampered by the refusal of Bela, educated in Constantinople, to recognize Frederick as the Emperor of the West, and by Frederick's refusal to acknowledge the western-leaning and Hungarian born Bela by anything other than "Emperor of the Greeks". Peace is maintained, however, the armies are provisioned by the Venetian fleet and the Byzantine ships plying the coast; to which the advance maintains, until it is necessary to head inland to besiege Iconium.

The agreement between the two Emperors, maintains that Frederick shall aide in the recovery of Anatolia while Bela accompanies Frederick to regain Jerusalem, with the appropriate particulars. The capital of the Seljuk Sultanate having fallen on 18 May 1190, Bela leaves a 10,000-strong Hungarian detachment in the city to secure the region. Negotiations conclude on an advance against Armenian Cilicia to force the Armenian King to pay homage to Bela. However, while leaving Iconium for the coast, and Armenian territory, the Seljuk army, 30,000 troops - 20,000 light horse and 10,000 light infantry, succeed in cutting off the two Emperors.

Frederick insists on attacking, and Bela is forced to commit to action. In the battle that follows the left wing under Frederick is routed while the right wing under Bela pushes the Turks steadily from the field. Bela commits the 4,000 remaining Hungarian heavy horse to a charge on his left flank as the Turks there pursue Frederick's men, and caught surprised by the heavy cavalry, they're scattered. Frederick manages to regroup his forces by the next day, and the two Emperors finish off the Turkish left flank. The Seljuk Sultan flees to Aleppo with about half his light horsemen.

After the defeat of the Seljuk field army the Two Emperors advance into Armenia and Bela accepts the homage of the Armenian King. After this the army proceeds against Edessa and lays siege to it. Edessa falls to the two Emperors in January of 1191.

1191-93 - Richard and Philip besiege Acre. Frederick, hoping to take Jerusalem, claims that with the defeat of the Seljuk Turks their agreement is satisfied. Bela, however, has turned over Edessa to Frederick under the careful agreement delineating their control in the region, and demands that Frederick help him take Aleppo - to revert to Byzantine authority - before advancing to aide Richard.

Agreement becomes impossible and the two armies part ways. Bela advances on Aleppo, harassed by the Seljuks, and lays siege to it, though the progress of the siege is hampered by the lack of aide from Antioch - the principality is heavily Byzantine influenced, but is currently suffering from a bad epidemic. Frederick Barbarossa marches on Damascus. His huge army sweeps aside the Muslim forces arrayed against him on 20 July 1191 and he lays siege to the famed city. During the siege he learns of Richard's victory at Arsuf, and details a contigent to advance south to join up with Richard and insure that if he enters the Holy City the rights of the Western Emperor would be respected.

Saladin, though defeated, recognizes the opportunity. Though he only has half the force that lost at Arsuf, it is sufficient to ambush and defeat the detachment of the Emperor Frederick's army that was sent to join with Richard, and with careful manoeuvring he avoids Richard's efforts to intercept him, and settles into winter quarters. Richard gets as close as 12 miles to Jerusalem in 1192, but Saladin is receiving reinforcements from Egypt and the weather is against Richard.

During the winter the weather forced both Frederick and Bela to abandon their sieges. As good weather returned they both press them again; but Frederick receives word from Edessa of the approach of an army from Mosul, and withdraws to march north and defend the city. The sovereign of Damascus sallies in pursuit, harrying Frederick's army on the march.

Richard feints for Jerusalem, skirmishing with Saladin's army through June, but finally in early July is convinced of his inability to take the city. He retires to Acre and concludes a treaty with Saladin. On 27 July Saladin takes advantage of Richard's absence and sacks Jaffa. Then he receives serious news and a grim visitor from the north: A Sultan without a Sultanate. The Seljuk Sultan of Rum, having escaped from Aleppo with his men and some of the other defenders. Aleppo has fallen to the Byzantines. Saladin marches north with these contigents in August, detailing a force to besiege Tyre and continuing to march. The Princes of Antioch and Tyre are allied with Bela, and he has managed to convince them to fall back on his army, which defends just-conquered Aleppo.

Eight days before the sack of Jaffa the Emperor Frederick faced off against the armies of Mosul and Damascus. The two commanders can hardly agree on a single strategy, and that dooms them when Frederick, his men sick of constant harrying by the Damascenes - casualties especially heavy when crossing the Euphrates - offers pitched battle. The Emir of Mosul tries to meet him on the field and is defeated; the sovereign of Damascus deploys his forces as skirmishers on Frederick's right flank during the engagement and inflicts the majority of casualties to the Crusaders.

Frederick rests his army at Edessa and then advances back towards Damascus, but the constant harrying of the ghazis on his flanks causes him to abandon the idea of another siege in that year, even though he approaches to within sight of the city walls. He retires to Edessa for the winter, ignoring the confrontation between Saladin and Bela. On 29 September Bela and Saladin deploy their forces in array of battle. Saladin and the Seljuk Sultan have 40,000 men. Opposing them, Bela and his allies the Princes of Antioch and Tripoli have about 30,000. The battle is totally decisive.

The Cuman archers foil Saladin's attempts to lure out the heavy horse of the Christian army, and the careful Byzantine formation withstands every attempt at being split, Bela stroking the egos of the knights and holding them in check as the reserve until the second evening, when their coup de grace finishes of the Muslim force following a steady advance of infantry throughout the day. The Seljuk Sultan is killed in the battle trying to rally the Muslim army; Saladin retreats to Jerusalem. Over the winter Bela and Saladin make peace, Byzantine possession of Aleppo being acknowledged, peace being concluded with Antioch and Tripoli as vassals of the Byzantine Emperor.

Frederick in Edessa responds to this by immediately taking to the field as weather permits in 1193. He proceeds cautiously, first advancing on Hamah and besieging it. Hamah falls on 24 May and Frederick advances next on Homs. His ultimate goal is Jerusalem, after Damascus, but he is proceeding far more cautiously. Conversely, his army has been worn down by combat, defections, disease, and the garrisoning of Edessa and now Hamah. The return of the Damascenes to harry him on the march to Homs is serious. What Frederick does not realize is that the army of Damascus is now the vanguard for the Army of Saladin. On 1 April Saladin's main body arrives and deploys against the Emperor Frederick. The Emperor has the misfortune of still being on the Plain of Syria: ideal country for light cavalry.

Saladin fights the classic military engagement of Oriental Despot, light cavalry sweeping around to search for a double envelopment while the arrows are loosed. Saladin rapidly surrounds Frederick's army: the Germans charge. The majority of the German Knights break through Saladin's lines, leaving the infantry to be slaughtered in the desert heat, but one casualty of the conflict is the sixty-nine year old Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa. The Germans retreat in confusion, some to Edessa, some to Hamah. Saladin advances on Hamah and retakes it with little resistance. By the time he reaches Edessa a resistance has been organized and a proper siege must be laid. However, before its success can be measured, the Emir of Mosul arrives - And not as an ally. Fearing the rise of Saladin's power he advances to relieve the garrison of Edessa, and Saladin, preferring not to fight him, negotiates with the new Count of Edessa and the Emir of Mosul, concluding peace.

Saladin retires to Damascus to regroup; it is there that he falls to fever in the year 1193.

1196 - Death of Bela III. Succeeded by first Arpad-Komnenian ruler of the dual Empire of Byzantium and Hungary. The young Emperor Andreas is eager to finish securing Anatolia.

1205-1235 - The frontier stabilizes, with Andreas, a mediocre general at best, not being involved in the minor crusades that follow and keep the crusader states expanding and contracting in the conflict with the weakening dynasty of Saladin. The greatest of these is when in 1229, Frederick II, Emperor of the HRE and also King of Jerusalem, finally concludes a peace treaty with the Egyptian Sultanate, securing Jerusalem and religious toleration in the city. The claim of the German Emperor to a traditional part of the East Empire is not well received; but Andreas, less successful than his father at stabilizing the religious communities of the two states and his successes as a general purely from following in the wake of the crusaders, cannot really influence the issue. In the later three decades of his long reign, however, the Empire recovers to a level of prosperity it had not seen since the Macedonian dynasty.

1235 - Death of Andreas I, succession of his son, Emperor Manuel II Arpad, to the throne of the Byzantine Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary. Manuel, named in honour of Bela III's patron, is eager to command the forces of the Empire in the field.

1235-40 - Campaigns agains the Armenians finally reduce upper Armenia to vassalage, along with the small states of the Zagros. Georgia, however, remains independent of Byzantine rule.

1240 - Cumans enter Hungary, appeal for aide of the Emperor Manuel. The Prince of the Imperial Family who is the governor of Hungary in Manuel's name accepts their petition and arranges for their mass conversion. Batu sends an ultimatum to Manuel in December; it is rejected.

1241 - Mongols cross the frozen rivers into Europe in February; a second letter is delivered to the Byzantine court by the defeated Polish princes. The governor of Hungary dismisses it without sending it on, and appeals to Manuel for reinforcements. The Emperor Manuel moves his army out of winter quarters in Anatolia towards the Dardanelles. The Hungarian Governor holds a general muster and concentrates his forces with the Cumans to meet a Mongol invasion.

Early in April a Hungarian force of 50,000 with some 40,000 Cuman auxiliaries faces off against the Mongol force of 50,000 under Sabutai and Batu at the Sajo River. The force takes up a defensive position on the river and begins fortifying it with earthworks and siege engines according to Byzantine practice, the Cumans covering the flanks and a central wagon laager as a last redoubt.

On the first day of the engagement the Mongols fail to penetrate the defences and are driven back repeatedly with casualties. On the second day, however, Sabutai directs his forces through a hidden ford slightly downstream to encircle the encampment. The Cuman Khan sees this manoeuvre and details some of his men to block the Mongols. Throughout the day the Cumans on the right flank are drawn into a steadily increasing engagement, while the artillery of the two forces duels in support of battles over the crossing.

Finally a charge of Mongols armed with kontos, light, flexible lances, overwhelms the light cavalry of the Cumans, who fall back on the fortifications. Seeing this, the Hungarian Governor sends a small force of heavy cavalry to check the retreat, all volunteer German knights. The charge of the heavy lancers breaks the press of the kontos-bearers, but the detachment of the force from the fortifications leaves them vulnerable to the Mongols trying to take the crossing. Demanding the utmost exertion from his troops the Hungarian Governor elects to retreat back towards Buda over the night rather than hold a position which he now considers untenable. With the Cumans providing a screen the Hungarians retreat and establish their laager on the next day towards the city before the Mongols reach them. The fighting retreat continues until harassment from the Mongol army until they reach Buda and respite in the walls.

The Mongols immediately begin to besiege Buda, needing to reduce the city before the arrival of the Emperor Manuel. Manuel, despite a delay due to assembling the garrisons of the Balkans and combining with the Serbian army, is now advancing with 60,000 men in relief of Buda. Manuel himself is hoping to prevent the combination of the Mongols now advancing through Moravia into Hungary with those besieging Buda, and crosses the Danube in the south in an effort to swing around Sabutai by forced march.

Sabutai recognizes his exposed position and retires from the siege of Buda, maneouvring to prevent the linkup of the two Byzantine armies - for the Hungarians promptly sally, with word that Manuel is approaching. Baidar and Kaidu meet up with Sabutai on 1 May in northern Hungary. Sabutai directs his attention against the weakened Hungarian army. On 3 May a pitched battle is fought in which the Mongols scatter the Cumans from the field and envelope the Hungarian army. The Hungarians retreat to their laagers and hold out; several messengers get through to Manuel, who immediately advances on the site of battle.

Sabutai retires; Manuel does not follow but instead, after the combination of the two armies, attempts to rally the Cumans with the aide of their Khan, stiffening them with Cuman mercenaries in his own force, and giving their Khan the command of his right wing as a sign of his favour. He then proceeds to advance against Sabutai with an army estimated at nearly 130,000 men.

Sabutai elects to leave Hungary completely rather than engage the force. He plans to attack the Byzantine Empire through the mouth of the Danube instead. This forces Manuel to march south with his army and the Serbians; the Cuman Khan also accompanies him with his forces. Altogether when the two forces face off again in August, 85,000 Byzantines and auxiliaries engage 65,000 Mongols. This time, however, Manuel has the hills of western Bulgaria on his side as well. In four days the Mongols are unable to break the Byzantine lines there, and are forced to retreat from the poor territory after having suffered heavy losses. Late in the year Ogedei dies; the Mongol invasion of Europe is over.

1257 - Manuel II dies, is succeeded by John III. Recovery of the Empire in Hungary and Balkans underway.

1258 - 1259: Conquest of Abbasid Caliphate by Mongols. The Mongols proceed into Syria and sack Edessa and Damascus in 1259. The Count of Edessa flees to the Byzantine Court.

1260 - 1270: Damascus and Aleppo are sacked by the Mongols in 1260. The Mongols find the Syrian gates fortified by the Prince of Antioch and turn away from forcing the approach. The Mongol main body advances north in Anatolia; a scouting force heads south. The new and energetic Mameluke dynasty under the Sultan Asad, responding to the pleas of the northern Emirs and the sovereign of Damascus, leads a force north which defeats the Mongols at Ayn Jalut, after which he takes an honourific after the place of his victory, and is hence known as "The Lion of Ayn Jalut".

Under John III the Byzantines in Anatolia have trouble responding to the Mongol invasion. The Mongols enter central Anatolia in 1260 and ravage the countryside. John withdraws his troops to Sinope on the Black Sea coast and draws in reinforcements from the Balkans. The Mongols assault Iconium but don't take it; with winter setting in they settle down on the grazing land of the Anatolian Plateau. In 1261 John deploys his army for battle but the Mongols don't offer to meet him on favourable terrain. He eventually falls back on Chalcedon for better supply.

The Mongols, receiving word of the defeat of their scouting force by the Mamelukes, head south. Bela reoccupies the utterly devasted Anatolian plateau in their wake. The Lion of Ayn Jalut defeats the Mongols again north of Damascus in 1262, having succeeded in arranging an alliance with the Kingdom of Jerusalem for this battle. After the defeat of the Mongols the Mameluke Sultan takes possession of Aleppo and Edessa. The Kingdom of Jerusalem, currently ruled by a member of the Hohenstaufen family, quickly becomes the target of Pope Urban IV, who has been looking for an excuse to have destroy their power over Jerusalem. In 1263 he excommunicates the whole of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and summarily grants the crown of Jerusalem to the Prince of Tripoli, while calling for a Crusade against Egypt.

Even while the Crusade is still being mustered in Europe, John, a very Hungarian of Emperors, is eager to defend his claim as overlord of the Crusader states, and to recover his reputation among the nobles of the Empire; the Hungarian nobility that settled in Anatolia has formed the bulk of the new military class, which is organized in an effort to revive the Thematic structure with said nobles as the cavalry: The nobles, however, demand more rights, and are offended at the Emperor's inability to protect their lands from the Mongol incursion. John III's solution is to march south.

He signs agreements with the Prince of Tripoli and with the Prince of Antioch, offering Damascus and extensive territories to the Prince of Tripoli in exchange for his recognition of his status under the Emperor, and to the Prince of Antioch, Aleppo and the surrounding territories. The army sets out in 1263, but due to the condition of Anatolia only begins the campaign in 1264. John restores the Count of Edessa and retakes Aleppo for the Prince of Antioch - both the cities utterly devastated - without serious resistance. But in the south the delay has cost him. The Hohenstaufens of Outremer have already been slain by their own nobles, and the Prince of Tripoli has entered Jerusalem in triumph.

Under those circumstances the King of Jerusalem refuses to uphold his previous agreements, and the Pope supports him in this. John marches south, bypassing ruined Damascus and promising Jerusalem to the Prince of Antioch while entreating with the Venetians to further delay the arrival of the Crusaders. In the battle that follows Jerusalem's forces are defeated and John enters the city in triumph. The Prince of Antioch is installed as the ruler of the whole of the Levant as a vassal of the Emperor of Byzantium, but the Prince of Tripoli retains the coastal cities, his own and those in the south.

John retires to winter quarters in Syria, and in 1265 advances on Damascus to join with the Prince of Antioch - also King of Jerusalem, contested - to besiege the city, stoutly defended by some ghazis on the repaired walls. The Prince of Tripoli, also contender for Jerusalem, advances on Jerusalem - his numbers bouyed by the early arrival of some of the Crusaders despite Venetian instrangiance - and lays siege to it, forcing the Prince of Antioch to retire and do battle for his Kingdom. John maintains the siege. The Prince of Tripoli defeats the Prince of Antioch, but then receives word that the Mameluke Sultan is advancing from the south. He tries to meet him at the Egyptian Pass - Gaza - but doesn't have the forces to stop his army, and in a two day battle the Egyptians clear the Tripolitans.

The Lion of Ayn Jalut marches on Jerusalem. The defence of Damascus cannot be seriously contemplated, at least, after the damage done by the Mongols only five years before; the city having fallen, John takes the request of his ally seriously and advances to defend Jerusalem from the Mameluke Sultan. South of the city the two are defeated near the town of Hebron in the desert heat of Palestine, and the two Christian rulers are killed in battle. The Lion of Ayn Jalut enters Jerusalem as a triumphant conquerer, the same city that Frederick II negotiated Christianity's way back into less than four decades prior. It will remain in Muslim hands for the next four centuries.

In 1266 he must however immediately retire upon Egypt to defend his Sultanate, for the Crusader contigent attacking there has arrived and put a siege upon Damietta. The Lion of Ayn Jalut, his reputation in Christendom now equal to Saladin's, returns with his army and contests every move of the sieging force, relieving the city before winter. At the commencement of the campaigning season in the next year, supported by his ships on the Nile, he defeats the Crusaders, capturing nearly 20,000 and holding them for ransom. It is fortunate, for the other portion of the crusade called for by Urban IV arrived in the Holy Land just before winter and has begun its advance on Jerusalem. Tirelessly he marches north to defend the city, and through guile and negotiation - among his hostages are many nobles - he keeps the attackers from the walls and finally the crusade sputters out in 1269.

With the threat gone he advances on Damascus. The new ruler of the Byzantine Emperor is the only child of John III - his daughter, Irene II, a deeply religious young woman who would never marry in her life and be the last ruler of the Arpad-Komnenian Dynasty. She is having to deal with the disaffection of the nobility and the religious tensions of the Empire, an Armenian resurgence in the wake of the Mongol attack, and other problems, nevermind the devastation in Anatolia - So in the south she disentangles from the situation by reluctantly arranging peace with the Lion of Ayn Jalut, restoring Damascus to the Mamelukes in exchange for their recognize of the Edessa, and of the Prince of Antioch's possession of Aleppo.

1271-1281: For the next decade Irene works on repairing the Imperial position in Anatolia, on restoring the finances, and improving the administration. Militarily there are a series of campaigns in Anatolia against the Armenians; the generals are competent, but Irene keeps the army divided under differing and competing commanders to avoid a threat to her own position. Furthermore, it is clear that the successor to the throne - with Irene's monastic temper refusing marriage - will be one of the Imperial generals. The primary problem with the Imperial administration is that very religiousity excerbates the tension between the Hungary nobles and the Byzantium administration in the Dual Empire.

1275: Ottocar, Bohemian King and ruler of Austria, faces a coalition under the Emperor Rudolf I. Ottocar is a close relative of the Arpad-Komnenian line, and Irene sends Hungarian troops to aide him.

1278: Defeat of the coalition of the Emperor Rudolf. Ottocar's power is great enough that the Imperial nobles refuse to support him in the gaining of the Imperial title, however, and even Irene distances herself from him after this victory, fearing both his ambitions against her own territories, and potentially upon those of her Venetian ally.

1282-1285: The Project of the Byzantine Emperors succeeds. Tension with the Anjou rulers of Sicily explodes into revolt against them by the people of Sicily. The result is the Sicilian Vespers, the famous uprising against the brutal Anjou rule of Sicily. Irene immediately takes advantage of this and launches an invasion of Sicily. Supported by the Venetian fleet the Byzantines sweep aside resistance and occupy Sicily itself easily. Naples is defended by the Anjous, but their fleet, reinforced by the Genovese - rivals to Venice - is defeated in attempt to relieve the garrison in a great naval battle in the Bay of Naples involving hundreds of galleys in 1283 and capturing Charles of Salerno when the city falls.

The Byzantine-Venetian alliance goes on to occupy nearly all of the Two Sicilies. The Pope at the time, Martin IV, who is under the control of the Anjous, excommunicates the whole of the Byzanto-Hungarian Empire and the Venetian Republic in response, and musters the full resources of the Papacy to respond to the situation. Byzantium and Venice are soon entangled in a war with the Italian States that adhere to the Pope, in addition to the Anjou. A Byzantine army actually besieges Rome in 1285, but in the same year a force of Italians and French advances on Venice. The Hungarian Nobility, upset over their excommunication, largely refuse to advance to the aide of Venice, and the city is in a dire situation.

Irene therefore appeals to Ottocar to relieve Venice, and the advance of Bohemian forces drives out the enemy from the territory of the Republic. This, however, gives Rudolf I - who despite his very weak position, has managed to admirably cling to power - an opportunity to rally a new coalition to Rudolf, in the name of aiding the Papacy, with which it has been his desire to bring Imperial reconciliation. On the other hand, Pope Martin IV dies in 1285 and is succeeded by Pope Honorious IV, who attempts his own conciliation on the issue, but does not bend from the excommunications.

1286: Facing unrest in Hungary, the Byzantines withdraw from Papal territory and begin negotiating with Honorious IV. Negotiations, however, come to little result, and Irene must deal with unrest in Hungary in addition to supporting her campaigns in Anatolia, while garrisoning the Two Sicilies. The Anjous, in the meantime, rally support for an effort to regain Naples with Papal support.

1289-92: With control of the Papal States secured, the Pope supports an army which advances into Naples and reoccupies the greater part of the occupied territory, except for the city itself and several coastal enclaves. The Byzantines and Venetians, possessing these enclaves, have sea dominance and retain control there; they also have Charles of Salerno, still held in Byzantium.

Negotiations now begin for a peace on favourable terms to the Anjous, and for Charles' release. The final situation becomes more extreme when Rudolf finally defeats and kills Ottocar in Austria in 1290; his son is forced to abandon the cause of the war and his father's Austrian possessions.

He makes preparations for a campaign into Hungary, which adds weight to the Papal position - But dies in 1291. Irene refuses to abandon Naples, and in 1291-1292 a siege is maintained against the city, which fails after a second defeat of Anjou and allied naval forces, this time to the north of the city in the Golf of Gaeta. The Pope dies soon afterwards and Irene, needing armies in Anatolia and Hungary, draws down the garrisons in Sicily, worried over state finances.

1291: Wenceslaus, though driven out of Austria, maintains a powerful force in the field; when the Polish Lords ask for his aide, he responds, intervening in the chaotic state of affairs in Poland.

1294: Take advantage of the drawdown of the Byzantine garrisons, another effort is made in the south. A Pope is elected from within the Kingdom of Naples; a simple hermit, Celestine V, who proves easily manipulatable. His actions outrage many and indeed ease the difficulties of the Byzantine Empress in Hungary, to the point that he is forced to abdicate in december. Naples still holds out. Ottocar II dies in this year.

In 1295, the new Pope, Boniface VIII, immediately works to conclude a peace with the Eastern Empire. In exchange for the release of Charles of Salerno and the abandonment of Naples to the Anjous, he proposes to acknowledge the other possessions of the Byzantine throne, and restore it to the Peace of the Church. Faced with the possibility of a full-scale rebellion in Hungary should she decline, Irene accepts the terms.

1300: Wenceslaus II crowned King of Poland.

1295 -1305: Imperial consolidation and recovery continues, the Armenian and Georgian vassals being secured in this period. The Empire starts to noticeably recover from the cost of the Mongol invasions and the following draining wars.

1306-07: The Teutonic Order, one of several active along the Baltic coast, has taken a leading role and consolidating role there, building an effective religious state. With the popular crusading spirit intact and pervasive still in Europe, this state's gains have not been inconsiderable, and hardly hampered by the fact one of it's main enemies, Poland, is Christian. In the early years of the 14th century, against their other enemy, Pagan Lithuania, the Teutonics win several great victories, noticeably expanding their territory. The continued presence of the Templars in the defence of the Holy Land, and the persistance of the crusading spirit, forestalls certain actions against them.

1309-11: Death of Irene II. She appoints a successor, one of her generals from Anatolia of Hungarian extraction, from on her deathbed. He reigns under the Greek name Nicephorus IV; his dynasty is colluquially referred to as the Hungarian Dynasty. He is immediately involved in supporting Venice in a war against the Papal States, in which they had recently been severely defeated, wherein only his careful moderation in affairs of religion, and Hungarian extraction, balances the Empire. The conflict in Italy ends in stalemate. In 1311 Wenceslaus II dies; Succeeded by Wenceslaus III King of Poland and Bohemia.

1312-1335: More conflict in Italy. The fullness of the Avignon Papacy; Nicephorus IV alternatively supports the ambitions of the Emperor Louis or opposes them, hoping to maintain and extend the Byzantine possessions in Naples. His son Isaac II, taking the throne in 1332, also pursues these efforts in general. At the same time, more eastern territories have been brought under Byzanto-Hungarian control, in the region of Dacia - Transylvania, Wallachia, Moldavia, and Besserabia are minor vassals by now.

1338-42: Crusade in the Holy Land. Benedict XII manages to rally a crusade to aide the Outremer States against the Mameluke Sultanate. It is a partial success, lasting until 1341, the reinforcements to the Holy Land driving back the Mamelukes and briefly offering a threat against Jerusalem. The Prince of Antioch, his line still claiming the throne of Jerusalem, refuses to aide, however, and no significant nor permanent gains are made. A crusade also occurs in Spain at this time.

1343: Death of Wenceslaus III without issue. John of Luxembourg is elected King of Bohemia, but there follows in Poland an interregnum.

1344: A second crusade, this time against Egypt itself; it ends in total failure, but the two efforts have some effect against Mameluke power.

1345: Death of Isaac II, succession of Adronicus I.

1347-52: Bubonic plague in Europe. Carried by trading ships and excerbated by the extensive trading routes supported by the now once more prospering Byzantine Empire, the effect is devastating. Though the Byzantine Empire, with superiour city planning for the most part, is less severely effected than most of Europe, a quarter of the population is killed; somewhat more in Hungary. This nearly cripples the Byzanto-Hungarian Empire. Fortunately, as the effect is general, there is perhaps some time for recovery.

1352 - 82: Recovery in the Byzanto-Hungarian Empire; hampered by reoccurances of the plague throughout Europe. Papal schism in 1378. In 1355 the Polish interrugnum is settled by the election of Louis of Anjou, descended from a secondary branch, to the Kingship. He struggles constantly against revolts, and has to deal with the Bohemian control of Silesia and other western territories, but does much to recover the internal condition of the country and battle the Lithuanians. The Teutonic Knights, however, still make progress. In 1382 he dies and is succeeded by his eldest daughter, Mary.

1383: Death of Adronicus I, succeeded by Adronicus II.

1385: War between Tamburlane and Toqtamish.

1386: Tamburlane advances into Georgia and defeats that Byzantine vassal, plunders the region. Marriage of Mary Queen of Poland and Grand Duke Jagiello of Lithuania; conversion of Lithuania to Christianity. Beginning of the Anjou-Jagiellonian Dynasty in Poland.

1387: Tamburlane advances into Armenia. Byzantines move to face him; he declines battle and retires from Armenia. Returns to Persia and plunders Isfahan and Shiraz.

1391: Mongols advance south from Russia into devastated Georgia and Azerbaijan. Timur drives them out and advances towards Moscow, then returns to Samarkand. In the wake of the fighting the Byzantine Empire reoccupies devastated Georgia.

1392-1394: Campaigns by Tamburlane in Persia, and against the Byzantines. The defeat of a Byzantine army occurs in Armenia, after of which he occupies Armenia and Georgia.

1395: Mongols again come south; Tamburlane drives up towards Moscow again, but returns to Persia due to supply, and continuing revolts in the region. Various massacres occur. Death of Andronicus II. Succession of Alexander II.

1398-99: Campaign of Tamburlane in India. Alexander II advances with an army into Georgia and Armenia, restores control of the Byzantine Empire there. Campaigns as far as the Caspian sea coast.

1399-1404: Tamburlane heads directly into Syria, sacking Edessa and Aleppo and then swinging south. He defeats the Mamelukes, reducing Damascus. Next he turns on the Crusader States and attacks them in turn, reducing them except for little more than the cities of Tripoli, Acre, Tyre, and Jaffa; along with of course Antioch, which is not attacked. The Mameluke Sultan advances north against Tamburlane with a second army, and Tamburlane withdraws onto the Syrian plain, drawing him out and defeating him. He then advances and occupies Egypt with little further resistance.

The Byzantines under Alexander II and the remnants of the armies of the northern Crusader States now try to face Tamburlane, advancing south to meet him in 1402. He defeats the Byzantines and their allies in Syria after coming up from Egypt where he wintered. The Emperor Alexander is killed in battle along with the Count of Edessa, who had escaped the destruction of his County. The Prince of Antioch escapes to flee to his city and insure its survival with tribute to the victorious Sultan of Iron.

The Crusader States are totally humiliated, and Tamburlane sweeps into Anatolia, ravaging the countryside, forcing Cilician Armenia to pay tribute, and taking Iconium by storm. His army winters in the Anatolian plateau, and then in 1403 he heads to Baghdad, where he defeats a rebellion and massacres the populace. By 1404 he's back in Samarkand and planning the invasion of China, on route to which he shall die of sickness, one of the most famous and brutal conquerers in world history.

1402-1415: Chaos in the Byzantine Empire. Alexander II died without a male heir and several contenders arise for the position. Several generals vie for the position of Emperor. The Kingdom of Naples takes advantage of this period to drive the Byzantine Empire out of its footholds in territorial Italy.

In 1408 the Council of Pisa further fragments the Church, with the election of a third Pope. Byzantine policy had supported the antipope in this period, but in the religious chaos of the times and the rise of the Hussites, nevermind the political chaos of the Byzantine government, it becomes hard to reconcile the Hungarian nobility to this.

The Prince of Antioch, who is related to the Hungarian Dynasty by marriage, enters the fray in 1409, also claiming the Imperial title. The Timurid Empire by this period is in total chaos and no attempt is made to control their nominal vassal. Gaining the support of Armenia with promises of territory in Anatolia, he defeats his primary rival claimant in Asia Minor. In the Balkans, however, another general has seized control of Constantinople and controls most of the European Empire except for lower Greece and Sicily, which are held by their respective thematic governors.

In 1412 the policies of the European Emperor and the general chaos of the times lead to revolt in Hungary, where a noble who claims distant relation to the Arpad line is elected King by the Hungarian nobility. He abandons any thought of fighting in Anatolia, and advances into Hungary to defeat the nobility. At the same time he signs an agreement with the Kingdom of Aragon, offering him Naples in exchange for support in regaining Sicily.

The Hungarians must split their forces, detailing an army to faces the Venetians, while another offers battle to the Emperor. The Venetians are defeated, but the Byzantines overthrow the Hungarian King in a single afternoon. The Emperor, however, is reliant on Venetian commerce and Venetian loans to maintain his tenuous position in the civil war ridden Empire, and must advance to the relief of the city. In this period the Hungarian nobility appeals to Sigismund, King of Bohemia and Margrave of Bradenburg, for aide and offers him the crown of Hungary.

He advances on Venice and forces the breaking of that city's alliance with the Emperor of Constantinople in 1414. In 1415, however, while challenging the Byzantines, the burning at the stake of Jan Hus had occured in Bohemia.

1415-19: The Emperor Sigismund succeeds in driving the Eastern Emperor out of Hungary, only to in 1419 see the eruption of the Hussites in Bohemia.

1420: Victory of the Hussites at Wyschehrad; The Eastern Claimant is murdered and the Count of the Grand Domestics takes the throne as John III.

1422: Victory of the Hussites at Deutschbrod.

1423: Venice, encouraged by the success of the Hussites and by the operations of the King of Aragon in the Two Sicilies, agrees to campaign with John III against Sigismund.

1424-35: Campaigns through much of Hungary; the Dalmatian coast is secured by Venice, and numerous traditionally Hungarian territories occupied by Byzantium. The Kingdom is in cause as Sigismund tries to fight both Byzantium and the Hussites at once. In Asia Minor, the Empire of Nicomedia's primary opponent is now it's brief ally, Cilician Armenia, the Timurid Empire still being in chaos. Henry I, claiming the title of Emperor as well as that of Prince of Antioch, tries to rule disparate territories and contests with Armenia and occasional Timurid influences for control over Anatolia.

In 1435, Alphonso of Aragon finally takes control of the two Sicilies, but demands extensive payment from John III for the return of Sicily to pay his own costs of war. John levies extreme demands on the Empire to attempt to meet the payments, Venice unable to provide financial capital at the time. This results in a popular insurrection against John in which the commander of the Macedonian Theme marches on Constantinople and is installed as Emperor under the name Michael VIII with the support of the racing factions in 1436.

John is blinded and thrown into prison. The commander of the Grecian Theme acknowledges Michael as Emperor.

1437: Death of Sigismund.

1438: Election of Albert of Hapsburg Emperor of Germany; also King of Bohemia. The Hungarian nobles refuse to acknowledge him as King and appeal to Wladyslaw II, King of Poland (Later "The Great"), offering him the Hungarian crown.

1439: Albert II defeated in Hungary by Hungarian and Polish forces and slain.

1440: Election of Frederick III HRE, regent for Ladislaus V Posthumous in Bohemia; he also claims the young King's rule over Hungary. The Hungarian nobility under Wladyslaw II, excepting the southern and western parts of the country being occupied by Byzantium or Venice, and the eastern principalities, which obey Michael VIII besides, refuse to acknowledge him.

1440-45: Wladyslaw marches south to deal with the Byzantine presence. In one campaign in 1442 he defeats Michael VIII in battle, and then brings the Rumanian princes to submission. Afterwards he campaigns against Venice, making peace with the city on good terms and turning south again.

In 1445 he marches through Serbia and faces Michael VIII again in the lower Balkans, defeating him a second time. The Emperor is murdered by one of his own commanders and a peace concluded with Wladyslaw that humiliatingly gives control of Serbia to the Polish-Hungarian Dual Monarchy.

1446: Michael VIII's murderer returns to Constantinople and proclaims himself Emperor. He reigns for one hundred and seven days, massively unpopular for his policies and for ceding Imperial territory, and is murdered after this in a conspiracy of the eunuchs, who install one of their favourites from the Imperial Household on the throne.

1447: Now the commander of the Grecian Theme advances on Constantinople, opposition from the Imperial ministry veritably nonexistant. John III (Emperor in Nicomedia), having secured the obeisence of the Armenians, seizes the moment and leads an army across the Dardanelles, landing behind the Grecian Theme. A pitched battle is fought in which the Emperor of Nicomedia is victorious. He advances on Constantinople and enters the city without opposition, imprisoning or executing his rival and his enemies and being crowned and blessed by the Greek rites. Wladyslaw advances against Hapsburg forces and defeats them, threatening Vienna.

1448: The Byzantine Empire once again has one lord and master, severely weakened though it has been. In Egypt, however, the line of Timur descended through Ulugh Beg has established itself in Cairo, as a Sultanate ruling for the nominal descendant of the old Abbasid Caliph, now a pawn for the Timurs as they had been for the Mamelukes. Ulugh Beg has begun the establishment of a brilliant and prosperous dynasty ruling from Egypt to Mosul and Baghdad, with Georgia and Upper Armenia as vassals, and even some nominal control remaining in parts of Anatolia; his sons and heirs will show less genius, but maintain the steadiness of the Imperial hand. In the old heartland of Timur's Empire, Abu Sa'id rules.

1450: Crusade called for in the Holy Land, an attempt to restore the remnants of the lower Outremer States against the rising power of the Egyptian Timurids. The Crusade fails miserably, and somewhat dampens crusading spirit in Europe.

1454: Great battle won by Wladyslaw II against the Teutonic Knights. These crusaders without a Pagan enemy are finally decisively halted in their depredations against Poland and Lithuania and forced to reorganize and consolidate, while the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth stabilizes and some is regained.

1457: Death of Ladislaus V. George of Podebrad elected King of Bohemia.

1459: Death of John IV (or, John III) - Succeeded by Michael IX. George of Podebrad confirmed King of Bohemia by Frederick III HRE.

1461: Second invasion of Austria by Wladyslaw II.

1462: Petition of George of Podebrad to Pope Pius II to confirm the Compactata is rejected. Wladyslaw II supports George against the Pope, as does France; his excommunication is averted.

1464: Wladyslaw captures Vienna. Frederick III sends missions to Constantinople and Venice for aide. A crusade is laucnhed to the Holy Land. The Egyptian Timurids are currently in the midst of dynastic warfare and the crusaders retake several coastal cities and solidify their hold on the coast.

1465: Michael IX consents to Frederick's proposal and leads an army into Serbia, the Prince supporting him against Wladyslaw. The Rumanian Princes also rally to his cause - playing against the clearly stronger of the two contestants - and send contigents to his army. He then advances further into Hungary, forcing Wladyslaw to split his attention, in addition to the expensive fortifications maintained on the frontier with the Teutonic territories (henceforth referred to as Prussia).

1466: The Pope can no longer be held back; he excommunicates George of Podebrad. Aided by Venice the Byzantine army advances up the Adriatic coast and through Austria. The army of Wladyslaw declines battle.

1467: The Byzantine and Hapsburg forces concentrate, forcing battle against Wladyslaw on the plain of Marchfeld. Here, though, the forces that have manoeuvred against them also combine to defend against their advance, and pike presses pike in massive and ordered ranks. The Swiss mercenaries hired by Wladyslaw hold firm, and the Polish lancers complete the rout. For a moment, Wladyslaw II the Great's power in central and eastern Europe is total.

1468: With his veteran army, a composite of standing, mercenary, and feudal elements, Wladyslaw now makes to obey the Papal edict and proceeds to campaign in Moravia, Lusatia and Silesia, occupying those territories of the Bohemian crown. George of Podebrad signs an agreement ceding the territories to Wladyslaw and agreeing to nominate Wladyslaw's nephew as his successor to the Bohemian crown on his death - albeit conditional to election - upon which Wladyslaw agrees to withdraw.

1469: Marriage of Alphonso V Africano of Portugal and Isabella of Castile.

1470: Peace concluded with Wladyslaw by Venice and Michael IX. Ceding of all occupied territory, while the contested principalities in the balkans are fixed independent of either Byzantium or Wladyslaw's realms; what they wanted all along, which will just cause trouble in the future.

1471: Death of George Podebrad. Ladislaus II crowned King of Bohemia; Wladyslaw the Great restores Moravia, Lusatia, and Silesia to the Bohemian crown for ease of administration in a massive Empire already swelled with Hungary, Austria and associated territories, and the Poland-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

1474-78: A series of yearly campaigns by Michael IX in Anatolia results in investiture and taking of Iconium, much reduced from its height. The Emperor is hindered by the Armenians, who again grow restless, but succeeds in effectively eliminating the Muslim presence beyond the eastern portion of Asia Minor. The death of Enrique IV of Castile occurs in 1474; succession of Isabella of Castile as Queen of Castile.

1477: Marriage of Mary of Burgundy to Jan I Olbracht, also a nephew of Wladyslaw the Great. Marriage contract includes requirement for commitment of troops and of funds for the defence of Burgundy from France by Wladyslaw.

1479-82: Great victory won by the forces of Burgundy and Wladyslaw over France in 1479; one in a series of campaigns that forces France to restore annexed Burgundy to the administration of the Duchy. Death of Alphonso V Africano of Portugal in 1481; his son John II inheirits the Portugese throne.

1485: Death of Wladyslaw the Great. His achievements begin unravelling almost immediately upon it; his son Wladyslaw III takes the throne facing a father with an incredible record and great longevity, and he is not up to the same tasks.

In Bohemia, Ladislaus proves hopelessly incompetent, and the support of Burgundy soon expends considerable wealth. On the southern flank, Byzantium, beginning to recover from her internal strife, is eager to reacquire control over the balkan principalities, and aide Venice in seizing the adriatic coast - While Frederick III, still HRE and even more long-lived and born at a later date than Wladyslaw the Great, waits patiently for a chance to regain the Hapsburg crown lands, and in the north the Teutonic Knights, if checked, are hardly crushed. Perhaps the only fortunate thing in the affair is that Louis XI, the "spider king" of France - who was hardly enamoured with Wladyslaw's effort in Burgundy - died two years prior.

1487: The Sultan of Egypt - late dynastic troubles having been resolved - lures advancing crusaders into a battle on the levantine coast where they are utterly crushed, and proceeds to advance against and reduce several unmoderized fortresses using artillery. The sudden collapse after the recent successes of little more than two decades prior causes a panic in Europe. In this year Frederick III succeeds in reoccupying Austria and associated territories.

1490: A desultory conflict between the Teutonic Knights and Poland begins even as Wladyslaw III strives to maintain control of the Hungaro-Polish Kingdom.

1491: Crusade of 1490-91 meets with utter failure, the Egyptian Timurids repulsing it on the Levant and firmly containing the Crusaders to the coastline. Their dynasty is on the upswing, and the Crusades to the Holy Land have finally been checked, though enthusiasm is not yet killed. However, the King of Jerusalem, ruling from Tripoli, begins to look to Byzantium for security.

1492: The Transylvanian War, in which Byzantine forces occupy Transylvania with little resistance, occurs entirely within the campaigning season of 1492. Also in this year Isabella as Queen of Castille directs expeditions to the Americas as part of the blossoming of the Hispanic spice trade.

1494: Invasion of Italy by Charles VIII King of France. The Italian Wars begin. Aided by Milan the French King advances through Italy and with his artillery train demolishes fortresses in his path easily and scatters the condotierri of the Italian armies, marching through Pavia, Florence, and Rome.

1495: John II dies without issue. Alphonso V's second son, Martin, by Isabella Queen of Castile, becomes King of Portugal under the regency of Isabella. Conquest of Naples from Aragon by Charles VIII. Aragon, the Holy Roman Emperor, Venice, Milan (having switched sides), the Pope, and Byzantium form into an unlikely and desperate combination against the invading Charles, who is forced to retreat later that year.

1496: House Hapsburg is awarded possession of Naples by the Pope against the rival claims of Byzantium and Aragon.

1499: The French under King Louis XII advance into Italy again, deposing the treacherous Ludovico Sforzo of Milan and occupying Genoa. Byzantium and Aragon, displeased over the prior division of the spoils, do not join the coalition the Pope forms with the Hapsburg Emperor against Louis. The French evict the Hapsburgs from Naples and retake it.

1500: Ludovico Sforzo attempts with Swiss mercenaries to retake Milan. He manages to gain the aide of Venice for this endeavour, but is defeated at Novara and captured. In response the French advance on Venice but the Venetians are now supported by Byzantium in their defence (the Empire having been looking for an excuse to intervene and make a grab for Naples, anyway).

1501: Conflict between France and Byzantium over Naples, armies marching through Italy and causing much havoc. Beginning of the Safavid Dynasty in Iran, developing as Shia, but owing their heritage from a Sufi order. The first Safavid Sultan lays claim to Azerbaijan in this year.

1502: Conquest of Iran by the Safavids begins.

1504: Death of Isabella, Martin succeeds as King of Castile and Portugal. France and Byzantium finally reach an agreement on the partition of territorial Naples. As throughout the conflict, Sicily remains Aragonese.

1505: Peace treaty between the Teutonic Knights and Poland concluded, with little change in borders. The peace, however, is bought in treasure for Poland. Despite the financial ruin of the Hungaro-Polish State after the end of the conflict, the succesful defence does at least secure the borders and end the collapse following the death of Wladyslaw the Great.

1506: Marriage of Martin to Joana of Aragon.

1507: Wladyslaw III dies. Succeeded by Sigismund, King of Poland.

1508: The Pope succeeds in forming a league to check the territorial ambitions of Byzantium and Venice in Italy, bringing together the disparate aims of Aragon, France, and the Holy Roman Emperor. Austria's possessions are directly threatened by Venice, and France and Aragon both desire for some of the spoils from the eviction of Byzantium.

1510: Though the defence is stoutly maintained for two years against the alliance of stronger powers, by 1510 the Venentians and their Byzantine reinforcements are defeated in the north and Venice sues for peace. Venetian territorial ambitions in Italy are largely checked, and Istria secured for the Hapsburgs.

1511: Fighting alone the Byzantine Empire is evicted from Italy in this year. The French make considerable gains in Italy.

1512: An attempt is made to gather a league against the French in Italy, but fails against the contentious issue of control over Naples. The French have gained control over Genoa, Milan, Lombardy, and Naples.
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Re: A serious "Byzantium survives" AH timeline.

Post by Thanas »

Well, I generally try to stay away from seperate timelines, but seeing that over 100 people read it and didn't care enough to write a simple review of this huge body of work, I guess I'll give it a shot.

I guess my first point of contention is that Bela (Maybe you should use his intended name of Alexius II instead) apparently is able to consolidate his power that quickly. Yes, I know he was Manuel's chosen successor, but that does not mean that the autocracy would have accepted him without a struggle whatsoever. Especially if he is already crowned King of Hungary beforehand, since the Byzantines were very much skeptical of foreign rulers, turning aways several very talented ones in the past.

Furthermore, your AH makes no mention of the internal corruption that plagued the empire. And the empire seems to recover awfully fast from the loss of its entire siege train - six years after Myriokephalon the army is reducing Serbia to a vassalage.

Other than that this was a really good read. What I suggest is adding the impact of colonial gold into Spain and a possible Byzantine reaction to the swiss mercenaries and later on the tercio. My belief is that they would have adapted those reforms very, very fast and would in fact given the available resources would have benefitted from an early adapation a lot, since the Kommenian army was composed of a great deal of mercenaries. The coffers of Byzantium should be a great appeal to any swiss and I belief the majority of swiss mercenaries would in fact fight under the banner of Byzantium.
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Post by K. A. Pital »

I'll write something, but it will take time to analyze this ;) it's large and really a huge alternate line. Especially about a fairly remote time, which makes all events more dubious and our knowledge of the period more shaky.
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Post by Fingolfin_Noldor »

A question. I might have lost track as a I was reading but what of the other turkish tribes? The Seljuk were only one of the many Turkish tribes if I recall vaguely.
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Post by Adrian Laguna »

I am disappointed and elated by the fact that Aragon has not joined Castille. Disapointed because it means Castillian holdings are a bit smaller (though this is balanced by having Portugal instead), elated because, despite being one, I very much hate the Aragonese.
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Post by Dominus »

Quite an impressive body of work, I must say. Of all the various "Byzantium survives" timelines I have read over the years, this is one of the more plausible I've encountered.

Some further clarification on the status of the Byzantine navy would be most helpful -- you mentioned it in passing at several points, but I am interested in how favorably the empire's naval might compares with the other Mediterranean naval powers. I do hope that the Byzantines have not foolishly conceded control of the sea lanes to Venice and/or are maintaining only a token force (or worse yet, none at all) as they did in OTL... much to their detriment.

Also, if I may ask, what is the status of the empire's cultural development during this time frame? I cannot imagine that a Constantinople spared from the ravages of the Fourth Crusade wouldn't go on to become a major center of art and learning during the Renaissance (in addition to its role as the largest and wealthiest city in all of Europe), easily the rival of Milan or Florence.

In any case, I do hope that you'll finish this -- the empire's fortunes seem to be on a low ebb after the early successes of the XIII and XIV centuries, but this is, after all, the era of the Italian Wars, and your little note about the eventual fate of Jerusalem does leave some hope for recovery and reconquest in the decades to come. 'Tis a shame that the union with Hungary didn't even last three centuries, however.
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Post by The Duchess of Zeon »

Dominus wrote:Quite an impressive body of work, I must say. Of all the various "Byzantium survives" timelines I have read over the years, this is one of the more plausible I've encountered.

Some further clarification on the status of the Byzantine navy would be most helpful -- you mentioned it in passing at several points, but I am interested in how favorably the empire's naval might compares with the other Mediterranean naval powers. I do hope that the Byzantines have not foolishly conceded control of the sea lanes to Venice and/or are maintaining only a token force (or worse yet, none at all) as they did in OTL... much to their detriment.

Also, if I may ask, what is the status of the empire's cultural development during this time frame? I cannot imagine that a Constantinople spared from the ravages of the Fourth Crusade wouldn't go on to become a major center of art and learning during the Renaissance (in addition to its role as the largest and wealthiest city in all of Europe), easily the rival of Milan or Florence.

In any case, I do hope that you'll finish this -- the empire's fortunes seem to be on a low ebb after the early successes of the XIII and XIV centuries, but this is, after all, the era of the Italian Wars, and your little note about the eventual fate of Jerusalem does leave some hope for recovery and reconquest in the decades to come. 'Tis a shame that the union with Hungary didn't even last three centuries, however.
The basic shattering of the Empire by Tamburlane was something I considered more or less inevitable, and so was the fast that the union with Hungary could not last forever. At any rate, by the present date of the timeline, the core Imperial territories have been restored, and though the Empire is weak and still hasn't fully adapted yet to the changes in military tactics (though that's happening as we speak), there is plenty of opportunity for recovery. None of the Timurids offer the genius of Tamburlane, and that state, though stable, has no real threat of taking on the Byzantines, who have more or less stabilized after the chaos and civil war that followed Tamburlane's invasion.

Culturally, Byzantium is coming a bit later to the Renaissance, which it helps start by its internal chaos in the 15th century driving out many scholars, but it offers the chance of having a very brilliant 16th century further ahead. Also, after this point, we're basically going to have no historical personalities at all, there's just been to many changes, which is one of the reasons I stopped here, it starts getting a lot more speculative after this point. One thing I hope is clear, though, that due to the revolution in military technology that is coming, Tamburlane's devastation of Anatolia will be the last by a great barbarian horse army.
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Post by Dominus »

The Duchess of Zeon wrote:The basic shattering of the Empire by Tamburlane was something I considered more or less inevitable, and so was the fast that the union with Hungary could not last forever. At any rate, by the present date of the timeline, the core Imperial territories have been restored, and though the Empire is weak and still hasn't fully adapted yet to the changes in military tactics (though that's happening as we speak), there is plenty of opportunity for recovery. None of the Timurids offer the genius of Tamburlane, and that state, though stable, has no real threat of taking on the Byzantines, who have more or less stabilized after the chaos and civil war that followed Tamburlane's invasion.

Culturally, Byzantium is coming a bit later to the Renaissance, which it helps start by its internal chaos in the 15th century driving out many scholars, but it offers the chance of having a very brilliant 16th century further ahead. Also, after this point, we're basically going to have no historical personalities at all, there's just been to many changes, which is one of the reasons I stopped here, it starts getting a lot more speculative after this point. One thing I hope is clear, though, that due to the revolution in military technology that is coming, Tamburlane's devastation of Anatolia will be the last by a great barbarian horse army.
Quite so. As it was in the Ottoman Empire during this time period, I suspect that the majority of Byzantium's future problems in Anatolia will come in the form of either peasant revolts or rebellions of the landed aristocracy and/or thematic governors - perhaps, for a very unlucky Emperor, all three at once - not vast armies of barbarians coming out of the East. Excepting only the occasional invasion from Safavid Persia, of course.

As it is, Byzantium does indeed have much to look forward to in the 16th century, and beyond; it still has yet to reach its second apogee. The revitalized Empire hasn't had a ruler quite comparable with Suleiman the Magnificent as of yet. :wink:

Still, one hopes that the Byzantines will be have rather more luck navigating the perilous transition to an industrial society while retaining Great Power status (much later down the line) than the Ottoman Empire did in OTL.
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Post by Fingolfin_Noldor »

It will be interesting to see how the Protestant reformation figures in the Byzantine Empire, given how interwoven the Patriarchy is with the Emperor. The reformation is only a few years away, judging from the end point of the timeline.
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Post by Illuminatus Primus »

I'd imagine some rough comparison between them and maybe Russian modernization; I couldn't see them keeping pace for many reasons.
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Post by Fingolfin_Noldor »

Illuminatus Primus wrote:I'd imagine some rough comparison between them and maybe Russian modernization; I couldn't see them keeping pace for many reasons.
How so? The area in which the empire resides has always been traditionally more dynamic than the Russian Empire, which prior to being formed, the Russians were suppressed by the mongols for many years and Russia was very far from the traditional major sea lanes.
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Post by Illuminatus Primus »

Fingolfin_Noldor wrote:
Illuminatus Primus wrote:I'd imagine some rough comparison between them and maybe Russian modernization; I couldn't see them keeping pace for many reasons.
How so? The area in which the empire resides has always been traditionally more dynamic than the Russian Empire, which prior to being formed, the Russians were suppressed by the mongols for many years and Russia was very far from the traditional major sea lanes.
Well I said some comparisons; the religious-imperial aspect and some of the statist tendencies. I do think it'll be much more dynamic than Russia. Which carries risks however. Destroying Russia is an exercise in futility. One just might topple successfully early modern Byzantium.

Personally I look forward to workers' riots and anarchists' and other similar tomfoolery in Byzantium in the industrialization period.
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Cecelia5578
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Post by Cecelia5578 »

Fingolfin_Noldor wrote:It will be interesting to see how the Protestant reformation figures in the Byzantine Empire, given how interwoven the Patriarchy is with the Emperor. The reformation is only a few years away, judging from the end point of the timeline.
The Byzantines would be very, very hostile to Protestantism. In OTL the Patriarch Jeremias II shot down Protestant overtures-there's no reason to see how Orthodox Christians would be very open towards iconoclastic Protestantism. There might be humanists on the same level as Erasmus, but its hard to see Byzantine sympathy for Protestantism, especially, as appears to be the case here, Orthodoxy and Catholicism haven't split to the extent they historically have.
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Post by Cecelia5578 »

Illuminatus Primus wrote:I'd imagine some rough comparison between them and maybe Russian modernization; I couldn't see them keeping pace for many reasons.
I think a more accurate analogy would be between this Byzantium and our A-H Empire.
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Post by Cecelia5578 »

Also, there's no "third Rome" mythology for Russians to rally around here.
No meddling in Balkan affairs by Russia, no scheming to retake Constantinople...Russian society would be different in many, many ways from the way things historically turned out...Kiev may still be the capital of the Rus...
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Post by TC Pilot »

The historical ramifications of the Byzantine Empire surviving (or at the very least not being irrevocably crippled after the Fourth Crusade) are completely incalculable.

Without the Fall of Constantinople in 1453, the mass exodus of Greek scholars and their libraries of preserved classical texts, the Renaissance would have been signficantly weaker (and arguably wouldn't have happened at all) that it really was. And without the Renaissance, there's simply no conceivable way what would have happened as Europe moved toward the Reformation and on into the era of religious wars.

Still, it was an excellent read, and distinctly plausible. Too often people write alternate histories where it's just one victory after another.
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Post by Cecelia5578 »

TC Pilot wrote:The historical ramifications of the Byzantine Empire surviving (or at the very least not being irrevocably crippled after the Fourth Crusade) are completely incalculable.

Without the Fall of Constantinople in 1453, the mass exodus of Greek scholars and their libraries of preserved classical texts, the Renaissance would have been signficantly weaker (and arguably wouldn't have happened at all) that it really was. And without the Renaissance, there's simply no conceivable way what would have happened as Europe moved toward the Reformation and on into the era of religious wars.

Still, it was an excellent read, and distinctly plausible. Too often people write alternate histories where it's just one victory after another.
Was the "mass exodus" of Greek speaking Christians really that important? Byzantium had been nothing more than the immediate environs of Constantinople for a while, its not as if in May, 1453 massive numbers of Greek Christians fled to Italy.

If anything, there would be greater access to classical sources, as there's no evil Ottomans around.
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Post by TC Pilot »

Cecelia5578 wrote:Was the "mass exodus" of Greek speaking Christians really that important?
Absolutely. One of the Byzantine Empire's primary legacies is as a retainer of classical works from Antiquity that were otherwise completely lost to the West until it was "ready," as Ostrogorsky puts it.
Byzantium had been nothing more than the immediate environs of Constantinople for a while, its not as if in May, 1453 massive numbers of Greek Christians fled to Italy.
Obviously there's no set date when Greek scholars started fleeing the Empire (which is why I mention the Fourth Crusade, much as I hate to), but the Fall of Constantinople and the imposition of Ottoman rule over the Balkans was a major factor in driving a large number of scholars to the Italian peninsula.
If anything, there would be greater access to classical sources, as there's no evil Ottomans around.
This is still years before the printing press. It's not as if Greek scholars could make copies to distribute to the Italian city-states, or curious Westerners could just sail to Constantinople to look for books they don't know existed while rummaging around through libraries.
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Post by Vympel »

Can we stop calling them "Byzantines"? It's such a stupid name. :evil:
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Post by Adrian Laguna »

Vympel wrote:Can we stop calling them "Byzantines"? It's such a stupid name. :evil:
Yeah, "Eastern Roman Empire", or just "Roman Empire", is much better. If you want to go for historical obscurity points, you can also call it "Romania".
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Post by StarshipTitanic »

The digressions about Mongol weapons and Frederick's battle array takes away from the flow. I think an emphasis on political events is better, especially for a subject like the Byzantine Empire.

From what I know of the period, while Manuel was pro-west, the greater part of the aristocracy was virulently anti-Latin and that's what led to the rise of the historical Andronicus Comnenus. I don't think you can plausibly sweep that away in the space of five years so early in your timeline and also add a campaign through the Balkans. Andronicus is a nice figure to base a realistic civil war that could seriously threaten or break up the union. Bela-Alexius would probably have to kowtow to the Patriarch with regard to Hungary's ecclesiastical jurisdiction.
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Post by Setzer »

Didn't they call themselves Rhomaioi? My source is wikipedia, so I can't be sure.
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Post by StarshipTitanic »

Yes, they considered themselves to be Romans and heirs to that legacy up until the end and generally so did their neighbors, Muslim or Orthodox. Westerners had their own Holy Roman Emperor to shoulder Rome's legacy so they preferred to call the Byzantines "Greeks," which was a big diplomatic faux pas when Byzantium was powerful.
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